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First, noting the state's powerful desire in safeguarding kids from these who sexually exploit them, Congress depends on Ferber and Osborne for the proposition that this fascination extends to stamping out the market for baby pornography.81 However, Congress has not sufficiently discussed why the mere pandering of or else lawful material must be prohibited in the pursuit of this interest. In sum, we understand that Congress has a persuasive interest in safeguarding little ones and, to that close, might regulate in interstate commerce settings the distribution or solicitation of the resources described in subsections (i) (obscene child pornography) and (ii) ("real" child pornography) of the Protect Act pandering provision. First, we be aware that, notwithstanding its transient point out by the Court in Free Speech Coalition, there is some problem as to the ongoing vitality of the Ginzburg pandering rationale. Also, although the penalties for phony business promoting are not specifically lifted in this article,54 we notice that a mere wrong industrial advertiser is punished on par with an real baby pornographer, with no regard to the precise written content or even existence of fundamental materials.

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